I shall first define my vocabulary and perspective,
in reference to social activities undertaken by voluntary organisations in
general, with two analytical constructs, viz., "social work" and "social
action," opposed to one another as methodological archetypes for the sake
of conceptual clarity.
With these two archetypes as referential yardsticks I
want to stress, with their implications and sets of queries, four constitutive
features of any process of communication whether traditional or modern. They
hold good much beyond social projects of voluntary associations, whether we
deal with public schemes of development, public or private channels of
information exchange, patterns of social or political intervention, processes
of cultural action, procedures and methods of research management, definition
of educational syllabuses, editing documents of audio-visual anthropology,
feature film industries, etc.
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But first a few remarks on the propriety of the two
catchwords "subaltern participation" and "democratic
cooperation." They are prompted by three considerations.
The present communication technologies give democracy
unprecedented chances provided we do not mistake democratic behaviour for
acquaintance with and participation in, any of its formal environmental
conditions such as universal franchise, domestic electronic machines, access
to world-wide information networks, home video editing, profusion of
satellite channels, etc. [8] Democracy may be the main casualty. Captive audiences of
gullible customers of mass communication techniques are rendered passive
political subjects, silent and ineffectually critical, pliant consumers of
values and cultural goods brought home to them under the control of huge
commercial interests. The greater the participation, the smaller the
cooperative democratic involvement. What differentiates participation from
brainwashing? Communication issues should be addressed as socio-political
stakes.
A frustration with what actually goes on in India by
the names of participatory methods and participatory research [9] with regard to
development concepts and strategies explains for our alternatively using
'cooperation' to avoid being at cross purposes. As a rule, participatory
method/action/research seems weighed down by the same internal contradictions
as proved to be the former academic discourse on "participant
observation." [10] There is no point as far as our debates are concerned to
reopen the old theoretical debate on issues of research methodology. Still
concerned as we are with issues of social communication and their overt or
covert power connotations we can not avoid being also concerned with the
communication patterns of research procedures and research strategies in
general, whether one is engaged in pure research, applied research or
action-research, and not only in social sciences [11] but also particularly
in sciences which deal with environment, biology, energy, etc.
In respect of development methodology, projects often
happen to be launched by voluntary or public agencies the members of which
belong to higher educated dominant urban classes. The latter more often than
not conceive of themselves as called to carry forward to a new page of
national history the 'main stream' of progress and civilization that they have
inherited, unless they resort to social work in the main as a means to
maintain a former social and cultural leadership status.
Whatever might be the variety of motivations,
development designs are built up on the basis of socio-cultural assumptions
similar to those of the former colonialist intelligentsia of the nineteeth
and twentieth centuries [12] which blend with those of the triumphant ideology of
development devised in the fifties for the same though now independent and "under-developed"
countries. [13]
The hegemonic nature of the approach is disguised by its presentation as
politically innocent, merely scientific, modern and value free -- but for the
obvious aim of spreading Western rationality and categories to those 'others',
an underdeveloped, unknowing and passive populace.
That approach is agentive; that is, it depicts a
state of affairs in the countryside or among 'the poor' which morally requires
and legitimizes in their own eyes an active involvement of modern secular
missionaries. That depiction often though not explicitely constructs 'the
backward' as superstitious, unwilling to respond and simply victims of their
own defects, mainly a reluctance to learn and change obsolete traditions.
Obtaining the beneficiaries' participation is naturally a main concern if not
a headache for agents who coming from outside with their schemes need a local
positive response to succeed in an alien socio-cultural environment. They
naturally view the latter as a field to be forcefully informed with their
updated modern ethos and progressive world-view, 'evolution' or 'change' being
the key words.
We may recognize on the small scale of voluntary
agencies the same basic elements of dependency and passive subordination that
knowingly or unknowingly are induced on a large scale and with tremendous
effectiveness through mass communication techniques on the same assumptions of
development and technical progress.
Concepts of "community action," "community
organization," "community development" spread since the sixties
[14] from North
America and Canada over Europe and other countries and basically 'inform'
agencies of social work, institutes and departments of social service. They
give the social worker in a community the role of agent of a collective change
to be obtained through all participating in the self-management of the
internal problems and development of the collectivity. 'Community' is defined
by its territory, as a locality with a given population and never by the
systems (symbolic, administrative, social, institutional, organizational,
etc.) of relation and communication that link individuals among themselves and
with other partners usually on unequal terms, often with bonds of dependency
and domination, sometimes through conflictual rapports. [15]
Any local community is structured by a play of
competing social and cultural forces which explain for the actual strategies
and dynamics at work in a locality. Moreover, local processes of change can
not be isolated from the control of external wider forces. No local community
whatever its size, can stand in isolation, self-reliant and independant from
distant controls, pulls and inputs. To give the social worker with the
appropriate technical skills (including the capability to harness people's
participation through professional "communication techniques") the
role of activating and coordinating local human resources to solve local
problems with the participation of all may appear an ideological disguise to
wish out the actual power relations. But the latter are the crucial elements
which from within and from without control a given community. No community
stands in a power vacuum. No "community organization" can simply
ignore the power contests and challenges which structure the processes of
communication within the community. To by-pass that politics of communication
amounts to work for the status quo and for no significant democratic
transformation.
Four features are constitutive of communication
processes as social events.
Any communication process is a social action, viz., a
phenomenon of social relation, a rapport between people, a kind of social
link. [16]
Whatever its form, medium and techniques, when information is circulated, news
broadcast, knowledge imparted, commodities advertised, etc., the important
feature is that a relational process takes place between social entities.
Communication is a social intervention.
The implication is that communication should not be
understood as a mere transfer of knowledge or a cognitive happening. This is
a secondary aspect and we miss the point when we consider it as mere
information process. Instead of focussing on the means of information, their
techniques and their degree of effectiveness in conveying a message, [17] let us view the whole
process as a medium of social action purposively intended by some one out of a
will to sway some sort of control. As a matter of fact, information itself is
subject in its content, form and use to purposes which are not cognitively
informative but socially performative. Any use of a medium of communication
is itself instrumental and subservient to objectives which have nothing to
do with information but with social control, cultural leadership and possibly
overall hegemony. Information is a modality of a power relation.
On the one hand, any communication process by the
very relational pattern that it inaugurates, is performative of a particular
type of human behaviour, social relation and structuration, depending upon "the
conditions in which goods are distributed and appropriated." "Contrary
to production relations, very little attention has been focused on usage
relations."
In a world saturated with all kinds of objects and services, these relations are decisive, especially for information and/or technologies that facilitate the distribution and processing of information. Although an individual may use these products and technologies for his own purposes, he is still bound by their logic and conditions of supply. This viewpoint raises the issue of the drawbacks of the current situation in terms of the quality of democratic institutions and public debate. [18]
A newspaper, a video film, a public speech, a poster
with an image, a poster with a slogan, a slogan in a demonstration, a e-mail
message, a photo, web sites, etc. call for different types of behavioural
and intellectual reactions and modes of human relations. Information means are
not neutral carriers of information: each of them -- written, visual, audio,
informatic -- conditions in its own way its contents and shapes a particular
social rapport through the form of its usage. Images for instance have a
strength of their own as much as written words induce specific mental logical
attitudes (Goody 1986; 1993). With writing techniques appear bureaucratic
states and pyramidal hierarchies, centralized economies, universal religions
with normative scriptures, written laws, etc. With printing presses appear
newspapers and public opinion, technoscientific progress with
industrialization. With audio-visual and informatic mass media emerge a
civilization of simulacrum, decentralized and transversal societies which
challenge the hierarchical authoritarian power of territory-bound regimes. Why
should we not experiment with the multidirectional facilities of cooperative
learning and freely restructure social links at will?
Harold Innis explains the miracle of Athenian
democracy as the result at that time of an harmonious combination of the oral
and written traditions. "The oral tradition affirmed the individual
conscience, flexibility and dialectic thought, while the written tradition
supported intellectual development, memory, and critical detachment." In
this perspective, in the post war period oral traditions seem given a marginal
importance with the resulting loss of humanist and individualist values, while
nowadays democracy may suffer from the predominance of the audiovisual sector
and "machine languages." Formerly a reader could avail of an entire
oral tradition at hand to interpret a text within a shared context of
experiences and debates. Which oral traditions and referential experiences can
nowadays cope with the overwhelming and pervading sway of the audio,
electronic and video spheres which wrap the whole world? [19] "Now, with a
media-based society and a « seducer image-oriented government »,
we question the increasing power of television," [20] when the image came
to dominate over other media in the same way as the written text of pandits
and scriptures has been the dominant medium in other eras of human
civilization to spread dominant values and normative symbolic systems of
interpretation.
Moreover, society in the main is a system of
rapports, a pattern of interdependency. Communication processes operate as a
sub-system of a wider web of social linking. Whatever the form and media of
the processes, the latter are imbedded into those networks or systems of
social relations of which they represent a sub-system. Let us therefore focus
on the social relations of communication in the same way as we analyze the
social relations of production. Let us study the production of communication
practices -- including our own practices -- as a particular social asset and
stake within the whole context of society as a system of action and
interaction with many actors competing for control and domination (Touraine
1973; 1978).
The implication is that a double question should
guide our analytical investigation. First, what pattern of social rapport do
our own use of any medium of communication build up. Second, to what extent
does this pattern actually differ from those which use to prevail? In other
words, do the relational patterns of our communication practices -- whatever
be their input medium, their form and their information content -- contribute
to strengthen, avail of, counter or re-structure the dominant systems of
social communication? We may in this respect hypothetically assume that the
extent and import of that re-structuration is not necessarily and directly
correlated with the material or financial importance of the medium itself.
The new generation of audiovisual and informatic
tools succeeding those of the industrial and nuclear technological
revolutions, lead in the seventies in Europe to entertain comparable utopian
dreams of a fast transformation of social and cultural behavioural patterns.
The "new technologies" appeared enveloped with a strong halo of
ideological connotations. These dreams are prompted by the same technicist
assumption that technique means modernity and modernity human progress.
Accordingly in India social engineering is more than ever on the agenda and is
prompted by a naïve faith that revolutionary communication technologies
have the potential to carry out on their own significant social and cultural
change.
Technical miniaturization of audiovisual and
informatic media may with some legitimacy credit the latter with the capacity
to release in the individuals hidden forces of cultural creativity and
social initiative, bring down conflicts and counter-challenge the evils caused
by mass media, emancipate individuals from the hold of big information
systems, facilitate wide interactive and pluri-directional exchange among its
customers, promote free speech of all citizens and allow for democratic
transparency, etc. But one would wrongly have this to naturally happen by
virtue of two self-deceptive principles: that "small is beautiful"
and that a tool or means, by its mere use, has a determinant effect on
representations, values and social behaviours. [21]
There is no denying that a radically new technical
environment opens up unforseen assets and hopes of a new civilization era
comparable with those inaugurated by the alphabet in Ancient Greece and the
triumph of printing press in the eighteenth century Europe. [22] Information highways
offer wide spaces of cultural freedom and social intervention to organised
individuals and networks of citizens. Still the delusions may be equally
important as no technological push can achieve what only a cultural pull and a
decisive social pressure upon the new technology of communication can oblige
the latter to yield.
Three sets of risks, stakes and challenges may be
particularly stressed in this respect with regard to our debates.
It mistakes the technique for the content; it wrongly
equates the material interests and power stakes of communication industries
with the symbolic and socio-historical substance of the customers; it tears
the latter apart between their limited and immediate context of experience and
a uniform world-scene staged for clients' consumption by unknown market
interests. Local, regional and national particular identities ought to be
given a due status: communication is rich and meaninghful to the extent it
maintains differences and heterogeneities. Moreover, the space and time of
one's restricted territory of daily life is the privileged milieu of
construction of social links and where basically the individuals belong in.
When global standardisation leads to cultural anaemia, what can we do to
avail of the new media with the aim of a genuinely autonomous representativity
of those cultural minorities, dissent voices, different ways of life and
alternative viewpoints which bely and counter standardised discourses?
One of the challenges here is one of electronic
literacy for the many in order to facilitate a dialogue in as many voices as
possible. For this diversity of voices to be possible, in many countries
governments, citizens and media interests have collectively defined a number
of principles, in particular competition and diversity, moral standards and
access for all, support for innovation, creation and production. [24] The same principles
have not been transferred to the international arena despite increasing
globalization of information.
At the international level, both technology and
economic considerations still favour standardization; only when "global
culture" product is hard to sell do media managers become willing to
diversify content so as to satisfy their market. "When audience ratings
are paramount, creative possibilities will be constricted." [25]
Concentration of media ownership and production is becoming even more striking internationally than it is nationally, making the global media ever more market-driven. In this context, can the kind of pluralist "mixed economy" media system which is emerging in many countries be encouraged globally? Can we imagine a world public sphere in which there is room for alternative voices? Can the media professionals sit down together with policy-makers and consumers to work out mechanisms that promote access and a diversity of expression despite the acutely competitive environment that drives the media moguls apart? (UNESCO 1995:117)
The risks of widening gaps between elites and common
people do disproportionately increase. They turn dreams of social fraternity
and political transparency into a deceptive catchword. No tools of
communication can by themselves generate transparency in society. It is the
other way round: only transparent forms of social relations can secure a
transparent use of the media. There can be total lack of communication in a
social space that means of communication have totally gone through. [26] For instance, a
generalised use of informatic in the secundary and tertiary sectors has not
put upside down the hierarchical structures that govern the social
organisation of labour. Computers can in no way on their own upset a
centralised model of society and hierarchical systems of communication,
whether we have in view the rapport between teachers and students, public
servants and citizens, managers and employees, priests and devotees, political
leaders and followers, advertising firms and customers, state officers and
citizens, etc.
Moreover informatic media generate their own
processes of differentiation and hierarchy. The risk of an unbridgeable gap
between a few elites -- engineers, technicians, urban educated classes, state
functionaries and the mass of the population -- is rather tremendously
increasing. By and large, the great majority of world population will for
long remain out of the informatic world-market and world-web of information
exchange [27] --
in the same way as it was and is still in many societies and countries
maintained deprived of access to alphabet and school. The challenge is here
one of appropriation of the information highways by counter-cultural networks
to check the interests of hegemonic centres of information. [28]
The risk of a gap between the permanent broadening of
the symbolic spaces and the possibilities or wish of intervening and acting
upon them comes as a serious question. A renewed balance is to be struck
between them. New technologies may even easily nurture an individual unable to
actually enter into a dialectical rapport with his co-citizens and his actual
socio-cultural environment, satisfied with interacting alone as a consumer
with informatic systems and market forces. New forms and scales of social link
ought to be devised. Technical plethora generates political vacuum [29] through processes of
isolation and deterritoriality of individuals.
Contrary to initial expectations, the new media did
not increase community links nor set up an information agora with a
wide range of diverse voices striving towards harmony. The utopia was that a
public and free reciprocal self-learning through the mutual cooperation of all
in a world-wide synergy of competences, imagination and exchange of ideas
would mediate a reconstruction of the social link between human beings through
subverting the boundaries of all sorts of territorial powers (through soil,
ethnicity, nation, state, organization, scientific discipline, gender, age,
religion, etc.). [30]
Recent studies show that new media increase instead
individualization, mediation [31] and simulation [32] in our societies. Dissemination of lies and manipulation
become all the more pernicious considering the largest number of people whom
they falsely inform.
Studies have shown that people who spend the most amount of time in front of the television tend to accept whatever televised scene that is broadcast daily as the real world. They therefore display the greatest possible social conformity in their attitudes and judgment. [33]
The concepts of "enlarged citizenship"
[34] and "social
interactivity" [35] suggest new horizons and models of democratic involvement far
beyond the mere 'interactive' participation as consumer with the systems.
They point to the modes of access of the citizens to the information and to
the processes of production of that information. They advocate an active
involvement of individuals and public interest groups in the definition and
circulation of the mediatic contents. [36] One should not narrowly think only in terms of impact of
highways of information on social, economic and political life: we have to
design autonomous projects to avail of them for our ends. The new technologies
of communication represent the material infrastructure upon which humankind
can build up a cooperative world of autonomous intelligent cities driven by
appropriate cultural dynamics (Lévy 1997:10, 77-83).
When inequalities in the social appropriation of
communication media generates top-down communication processes and strengthens
the control of the dominant symbolic systems of communication, one is
naturally led to claim for a Chart of Rights to Communication. [37]
To secure a greater democratic independence in usage
relations, the citizen ought to be protected no less than the consumer. As
consumer he must be able to exercise his freedom of choice, as citizen
he cannot be totally excluded from the terms and conditions of supply of contents and programs. At the present time, technical and economic factors command the development of forms of usage. To promote more equitable usage relations, it would be good to preserve the diversity of supply, and reduce the user-producer gap by giving more power to the former.
In this respect, one should not naïvely maintain
"the illusion of a demand-controlled supply. The world is saturated with
media and messages, and the demand no longer expresses a lack or an
expectation; it reacts to the supply." [38] The possibility
itself of the citizen's autonomy of judgment is problematic: its maintainance
calls for adequate strategies.
The belief in communication revolution ushering the
world community into a new civilization era is prompted by the conjunction of
three general phenomena. 1. Technicism: a sudden and fast technical
revolution, the end of which is still a guess; 2. Economism: a vast
socio-cultural drive towards less of state and more of free market, less of
administrative rules and more of private initiative; 3. De-regulation:
liberalisation of communication policies. The declaration of Albert Gore, US
Vice-President, September 15, 1993, defines the National Information
Infrastructure (NII) of the United States and calls for the private sector to
invest in it, while the Global Information Infrastructure, March 1994 is
addressed to serve as a basis for engaging other governments to cooperate in
the same direction (His 1996:69-89). Communication technologies are forcefully
sought to be brought under the anonymous hegemonic control of the increasingly
'free' forces that structure the market of the media on the world scene.
Subjugated by the hegemonic forces that control the
world systems and techniques of communication, which spaces of autonomy and
creativity can a common citizen inhabit or carve for himself? The question
as such is absolutely similar to former questions raised about the means and
weapons that subaltern groups -- though unable to bring about any structural
transformation -- could still avail of to vent their grievances, denounce
repressive socio-cultural domination or try to break socio-political
subjugation. [39]
Faced with NGOs' will to power or Government inappropriate schemes, local
communities give a no-response to alien projects: they refuse participation
and remain passive. These are conducts of self-defence in front of a situation
that can not be brought under control. Suffering under the presure of
patriarchy illiterate women find roundabout ways to express their
dissatisfaction through reappropriating in their own way, in narratives and
songs, the idoms of dominant traditions to make them utter divergent speeches
(Richman 1992; Poitevin & Rairkar 1993:24-75; 1996:174-181). Folk mythical
traditions carry a self-memory and construct a collective identity sometimes
at variance with the prescribed discourses. [40] Initial denials of
enforced participation may not appear triumphant: they are nevertheless
experimenting with alternative forms and linguistic symbols of social
communication.
What can media users nowadays do to refuse their
participation but avail of the media at hand and act with autonomy? Should
they switch off all channels and depart for a lonely no-man's land? This is
escape, burying one's head in the sand as the ostrich does. Struggles are
going on for the sake of a more human civilization.
As we talk about consumers or users of mass media, we
would like to refer to the concepts of 'use', 'usage' and 'user' as elaborated
by André Vitalis after many others [41] as a partial answer to our query. We generally speak of users
with reference to consumers of private and public goods and services. Use is
related to consumption. The idea is to improve the commercial and
administrative relationship of a consumer with a commercial firm; a service
agency or a state department. That relationship should be more human, more
rewarding, more profitable to the user/consumer.
The semantics is clearly one of economic and
administrative efficiency. The user is understood to fit as a client or
customer into those two categories of economics and administration. He does
not intend to break away from them but to better partake of their facilities
as he has internalized their advantages. Commercial firms, private and
public service agencies meet his expectation as on their part too they wish to
better attend to the user's need and wish. The personalized adjustment will be
done within the prescribed and standardized definition of the possible uses of
the good or services under considerations. The prerogatives of the user are
therefore limited and circumscribed.
If we refer to the services that the media offer, "the
small amount of autonomy conceded to the user is useful for a quantitative
understanding of his behaviour, as attested to by the many viewer, reader,
and general-public surveys." For the new technologies, the
client/customer is even more than a crude consumer. Economists would rightly
discard the word 'consumer' as inadequate. As a user, he is economically
defined as the one who in the end has the last word. In the overabundance of
items which can be possibly offered, the user figures as the one who gives the
proposed innovation its meaning and relevance. Still only supply of commercial
or administrative goods initiates the process and accounts for the
particular attention of which the user is the object.
An anthropological or sociological insight of the
social relation of usage may reveal a different picture of the user. The
latter's behaviour has been studied at length, especially with regard to the
new media and communication tools. The user often appropriates,
misappropriates, pirates, resists and even rejects. The development of new
forms of social uses takes time and does not always correspond to the original
plan designed by the system promoters.
In a more subtle, hidden way, everyday practices reveal an array of individual methods, uses, stratagems and pilfering. This is particularly difficult to analyze, as this type of activity is not clearly revealed by particular products, but by a particular way of using those that are offered or imposed.
The user may not remain a passive consumer or
repository of information, only browsing through the material that he is fed
with. In the end, the user's tactics -- which can be silent, disobedient,
ironic, or poetic -- can get away with and even avenge the dominating power
of the productive forces. Eventually, the user may remain the controlling
agent and have "the final word on the marketplace." He eludes the
imposed codes, turns them upside down, appropriates the very means of his
subjugation and instead of participating and playing the same games, diverts
them towards different targets.
Still, are we not overestimating the power of
individual receivers? We may "wonder whether all the current research
which attributes so much power and autonomy to the receiver, is not merely a
reaction against earlier research which stressed the determinant pressure of
social structures and technologies." Whatever be our final evaluation, it
remains true that to discover the ways and strategies of an autonomous
socio-political reappropriation of the mass communication media delivered by
the new communication technologies, their usage must be studied at the
intersection of three main analytical insights: a technical analysis stating
the range of possibilities of the medium, an economic analysis defining the
domains of profitable uses, and a social analysis locating the user's stand,
needs, wishes and will to reappropriate and assume a leading role.
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[8] See (His 1996),
especially chapter 4 and chapter 8. See Magic Lantern Foundation, Media
Mail , January 1997, page 1: "Today information is being
marketed as a key element in enhancing people's knowledge, naturally leading
to the democratisation of society. However this growth has hardly come to
any use of the common people whether in their right to information or level of
consciousness."
[9] See (Hall &
Tandon 1982) reviewed by Poitevin (1983). See also (Fernandes & Tandon
1981).
[10] See Susan
Wright and Nici Nelson, Participatory Research and Participant Observation:
Two Incompatible Approaches.
[11] See "Experimenting
with cooperative research communication" by Jitendra Maid in this volume
(infra) for a concrete reflexive account of actual non-academic experiments in
this respect.
[12] See (Assayag
et al. 1997) with the main bibliographical references given p.10-11 to the
works of E. W. Said (1978, 1993), G. C. Spivak (1988, 1990), R. Inden (1986,
1990), A. K. Bhabha (1990), Sprinker (1992), N. D. Dirks (1994), A. Ahmad
(1991, 1995), G. Prakash (1994), M. C. A Breckenridge and P. van der Veer, ed.
(1994).
[13] The historical
grip of the contemporary ideology of development has been exactly dated by
historians of development theories. See (Djuweng 1996) for references to
Wolfgang Sachs who refers to the inaugural speech of US President Harry Truman
drawing the attention of the Congress on January 20, 1949 towards the
situation of the most poor countries which for the first time are defined as
"under-developed zones." In the context of the severe post-war II
ideological competition between the East and the West, Development became the
key strategy to win over and conquer "the newly emerging forces,"
viz., those 'under-developed' countries which were fighting for their
Independance and naturally looking towards the socialist East to help them
liberating themselves from Western colonialist capitalist ideology equated
with development. Intellectuals and economists were mobilised to support that
strategy (cf. W. Rostow on the stages of growth, David Mac Clelland $check
name$ on modernization theory) moreover necessary to the triumph of
capitalism. To enforce that Development strategy, a dozen of courses were
organized in the main American universities and students recruted in
particular in Europe and Third-World countries as huge transfers of capital
and technology towards the societies of the South were necessary together
with cultural transformations of ways of life to break many obstacles to
development. Development studies proved to be an extremely successfull
brain-washing: ten years later, the development ideology was widely welcome
all over the world.
[14] For instance,
see (Ross 1967; Biddle 1965; Dunham 1963).
[15] We follow the
monograph by Imbert (1981).
[16] In common
parlance, 'communicate' means "let know," "pass on" an
immaterial message by any code or medium, usually words, sounds and gestures.
We leave aside this parameter of transmission of information and all those
related problems considered by theories of communication; we focus exclusively
on the constitution of social link and related problems of power relations in
society. See (Chambat 1992:16-17,19-21).
[17] Our
distinction is close though not similar, to that of Régis Debray
opposing 'communicate' to 'transmit' as two antithetic semantic fields; see
(Debray 1997:15-23). Transmit is said of goods, ideas, traditions, sites,
rituals, etc. which are carried further along the line of time; transmission
is a material and diachronical happening, it preserves a patrimony with the
collectivity of its heirs against disaggregation, agression, disappearance
or lack of identity. The prefixes 'trans' and 'com' signal the dissimilarity
of both the processes; the first one is a matter for study of the material and
processes of mediation, the second one for analysis of forms of human agency
and resulting systems of social links.
[18] André
Vitalis, in (His 1996:187-188). For several detail studies of the use of
particular electronic media, see (Chambat 1992:193-255).
[19] Quoted by André
Vitalis in (His 1996:188).
[20] Ibid., page
85, with reference to contributions made by Innis, Habermas, Debray.
[21] See Dominique
Wolton, in (Chambat 1992:70-ff) and Josiane Jouët (ibid.:178-ff), Serge
Proulx and Michel Sénécal, in (His 1996:136-139).
[22] Pierre Lévy,
in (Chambat 1992:88-ff).
[23] If techniques
of communication have always existed, communication 'exploded' as an "ideology
without enemy" in the West between 1942 and 1949, as an alternative to
fascist political ideologies perceived at that time as dramatically failing to
manage human affaitrs, thanks to techniques only communication would bring
about a sort of consensus norm in the social relations and prevent
barbarism, see (Breton & Proulx 1989:10,12,209-216). One still had to
wait till the sixties for pioneers like D. Engelbart and J. C. R. Licklider to
imagine the social potentialities of computerized networks. It is not before
the eighties that computerized communication emerged as an economic and
cultural phenomenon of the first magnitude.
[24] See for
instance the Commission of the European Communities White Paper in (His
1996:90-97).
[25] See (UNESCO
1995:110-114) as far as national settings are concerned: "There is a
growing awareness that pluralism of information, together with diversity of
production and distribution, are prerequisites for, as well as indicators of,
a properly functioning democracy... Advocates of freedom of access to
information have every reason to be wary of governmental regulation, yet the
market is not necessarily better at allocating access... Despite the universal
appeal of the products of mass culture the world has observed for so long,
specific publics are now increasingly demanding specific types of
programming as well;" (op.cit.:119-122) for international context.
[26] Dominique
Wolton, in (Chambat 1992:80-ff).
[27] "Only
very limited segments of society can be connected to more advanced forms of
international communications such as satellite television and information
networks. There is a yawning gap between those who have access and thosse who
do not" (UNESCO 1995:116).
[28] For the Stakes
Involved in the Information Highway , see contributions in (His
1996:117-195).
[29] See Pierre
Musso in (Chambat 1992:111-135). In "communication societies"
following "production societies" and "consumption societies,"
the technical communication media mediate the social link to such an extent
that they determines new socio-economic, cultural and theoretical orders on
the basis of three realities: technological revolution -- flooding the market
with electronic and informatic media -- which support symbolic utopia -- the
two most powerful of them being that the greater the number of communication
media, the greater the social consensus and the political transparency. As a
matter of fact, the blinkers of "political invisibility"
(liberalisation, deregulation and privatisation) hide the joint plays of
market and state power strategies.
[30] One of the
most articulate philosophical advocacy of the political utopia of a world-wide
"virtual agora," viz., a computer-based direct democracy in
real time at long last now possible through modern communication technology is
made by Pierre Lévy (1997:26-29,65-94). Since the 1980s, cyberspace
opens up a new and fourth civilization era and anthropological space, one of
Knowledge after those of the Earth, of the Territory and of the Commodity
(op.cit.:129-139).
[31] We understand
the concept after the formula of MacLuhan Medium is message , the full
implications of which are still to be articulated: abolition of the
spectacular, diffraction of the medium in the real, confusion of the $$ See
(Baudrillard 1981:52-54,121-131)
[32] See (Rheingold
1993) quoted by (Lévy 1997:9, note 2) as stating clearly the
civilization stakes raised by the "electronic highways." Faced with
a possible victory of commodity, the absolute control of systems of trade
relations and the sway of a world of simulacra, can we not avail of the new
means of creation and communication to deeply restructure the present forms of
social link along principles of genuine fraternity? On the concept of
simulacra and simulation, see (Baudrillard 1981:12-17,26): "To
dissimulate is to pretend not to have what one has. To simulate is to make
believe to have what one has not. The former points to a presence, the latter
to an absence." Simulation lacks referential reality, objective truth;
it erases the differences of 'true', 'false', 'real', 'imaginary'; it ignores
the principle of reality; simulation as pure play or the sign of nothing is
the opposite of representation; as hyperreal it strategically hides the
irreality of the real.
[33] See André
Vitalis in (His 1996:189). The suggestion that the receiver can always correct
the received messages using the filter of his own opinions and experience can
be of a very limited effect in front of the diluvial profusion of media and
data available. The receiver can not have enough experience in so many fields
to judge of the objectivity of data brought to him. Anyway, media have
already determined for him priorities and choice of subjects to be shown as
relevant. Strictly commercial media can not be expected to supply reliable
information in a way conducive to opening democratic debates. Dictatorship of
rating is bound to be the rule.
[34] See Jacques
Robin and Alain d'Iribarnen in (His 1996:122,126-128).
[35] Serge Proulx
and Michel Sénécal in (His 1996:133-138).
[36] See Unesco,
MacBride Report 1980.
[37] People's
Communication Charter . Nine-page document on request from Center for
Communication and Human Rights, Amsterdam, e-mail: <hamelink@antenna.nl>,
fax (31) 20 525 21 79.
[38] See (His
1996:190-191). Following the expectations of the largest group of people does
not necessarily mean power to users, but possibly the power of media-induced
fashion. "Moreover, as a result of excessive surveying, direct marketing
methods only detect immediate or confirmed trends. Creativity and new supplies
are penalized by this system, and have no chance of finding a public or
developing other outlets."
[39] See for
instance the series of Subaltern Studies , Writings on South Asian
History and Society , I to VIII, Oxford University Press, 1982-1994.
[40] See
contributions to this volume by Biswamoy Pati, Nandini Sinha, Badri Narayan
Tiwari and Guy Poitevin on myths and collective memory.
[41] See (His
1996:185-186). See also Philippe Dard, in (Chambat 1992:139-158), Le Fantôme
du Cybernanthrope , for a set of concepts centering around the usage of
domestic electronic objects. One of the best advocate of a radical shift in
analytical perception from a passive consumption of products to an anonymous
creativity of users through focussing on the rift that inaugurates the use of
the product is Michel de Certeau (1990:vi-vii,xlv-xlviii,50-68; 1980): what
matters is not the cultural product as given but the operation which makes use
of it; the practices of the users open up a significant difference.